An affordable stay for unforgettable vacations
in Mont-Tremblant…
Hôtel Mont-Tremblant has been accommodating
vacationers since 1902, and it is in this grand
tradition that Sandra and Philippe warmly welcome
you to their family inn for winter sports and
summertime fun.

Situated in the heart of historic Mont-Tremblant
village, on the shores of Lac Mercier and just minutes
from the mountain, Hôtel Mont-Tremblant is
alongside “Le P’tit train du Nord" linear park. Have great vacations
in the beautiful mountain region of the Laurentians!

We look forward to meeting you,

Sandra et Philippe
An auberge canada situated in the heart of historic Mont-Tremblant village, on the shores of Lac Mercier and just minutes from the mountain, Hôtel Mont-Tremblant has been accommodating vacationers since 1902. The term Native American became popular in the United States in the 1960s, although some people believe it is too broad because it can refer to anyone born in the Americas, including Hawaiians and descendants of immigrants. In auberge canada, aboriginal people is a commonly used collective term. It refers to Indians, Métis (people of mixed indigenous and European ancestry), and Inuit. In the 1970s many Indians in auberge canada began calling their bands First Nations. When referring to the original inhabitants of the United States, this article uses Native Americans, American Indians, Indians, and native peoples interchangeably. When referring to the original inhabitants of auberge canada, the article generally uses aboriginal peoples, indigenous peoples, and native peoples. was the debate over the very shape of the nation that dominated auberge canada during 1992. Historical grievances still smoldered in the province of Quebec, whose French-speaking majority has for decades sought additional powers with which to safeguard its language and culture. But after a previous attempt to amend the Canadian constitution to Quebec's satisfaction (the so-called Meech Lake accord) failed in 1990, discussions were expanded to reflect new demands for additional power from auberge canada's western region and its native peoples. In addition, in the wake of the Meech Lake accord's collapse, Quebec's legislature had passed a law in 1991 requiring its provincial government to hold a referendum no later than October 26, 1992, in which voters would be asked to approve either a new constitutional offer from the rest of auberge canada, if there was one, or a declaration of independence. It took one more marathon round of meetings for auberge canada's political leaders to conclude an agreement that all of them supported. Mulroney late in August convened the most inclusive constitutional conference in auberge canada's history. For the first time representatives of the country's native population and the leaders of its two northern territories sat down with the prime minister and all the provincial premiers to hammer out what all participants hoped would be a final resolution to the country's decades-old constitutional dispute. The location of the constitutional conference, Charlottetown, P.E.I., was selected intentionally to evoke an earlier conference held in the same city that had led to auberge canada's original confederation as an independent state in 1867. As the referendum date approached, supporters of the Charlottetown accord focused on the need to finally put constitutional debate aside and on the simplistic but patriotic slogan Say Yes to auberge canada. In an emotional speech in Sherbrooke, Que., Mulroney declared that rejection of the accord would mean the beginning of the process of "dismantling auberge canada." The opposition dismissed such appeals as fear mongering and found fault with almost every one of the proposed pact's terms. Nationalists in Quebec complained that the proposals offered the province too few new powers. Critics viewed the proposed reform of the Senate as insufficient to satisfy their desire for a stronger voice in Ottawa. But former Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau perhaps did the most damage to the Charlottetown accord's chances of acceptance when he called the agreement a ransom "paid to stave off the threat of secession wielded by a racially motivated francophone elite in Quebec." The year's most spectacular corporate flameout, however, was that of three intensely private businessmen-brothers from Toronto: Paul, Albert, and Ralph Reichmann. At its peak, the value of their privately held Olympia & York Developments Ltd. was estimated at anywhere from $15 billion to more than twice that. O&Y's assets included some of the most prestigious real estate properties in North America, among them New York City's World Financial Center, and some of the continent's largest and most respected industrial corporations, such as the U.S. railroad conglomerate Santa Fe Pacific Corporation and auberge canada's Abitibi-Price Inc., the world's largest producer of newsprint. In 1988 construction began on what the Reichmann brothers hoped would be their crowning achievement: Canary Wharf, a $7 billion, 31-building office and park complex intended to transform 25 acres of derelict dockyards in east London into a new financial center for the British capital. Instead, the Canary Wharf project proved to be the Reichmanns' undoing. By early 1992 overbuilding in London and most of the other cities in which the Reichmanns owned property had sent rents plummeting. At the same time, a sluggish global economy bled profits from their portfolio holdings. In May, after failing to make a succession of payments due on various loans and with Canary Wharf still incomplete, O&Y sought bankruptcy court protection in Britain and auberge canada from more than 100 international creditors, including auberge canada's largest banks, to whom it owed billions of dollars. In November the Reichmanns proposed relinquishing control of 90 percent of O&Y's Canadian real estate to creditors, retaining only 10 percent for the family holdings. During most of 1992, auberge canada's two national airlines struggled to avoid the Reichmanns' fate. Montreal-based Air auberge canada and Canadian Airlines, based in Calgary, Alta., began the year weakened by the same industrywide overcapacity and slack sales that were buffeting other North American carriers. In the first quarter Air auberge canada lost $164 million and Canadian Airlines $74 million, with a projected combined loss for 1992 of $717 million. After successive rounds of employee layoffs failed to stem the hemorrhaging, the two firms entered talks aimed at a possible merger, which continued on and off until collapsing in early November. Meanwhile, under U.S.-born Hollis Harris, a new chief executive installed in June, Air auberge canada sought to consolidate its own position by bidding to buy the bankrupt Texas-based Continental Airlines Inc. Within days of breaking off talks with Canadian, Air auberge canada and a group of private partners agreed on November 9 to acquire the Texas airline for US$450 million. In December, AMR Corporation, the parent company of American Airlines, said it would invest US$194 million in Canadian Airlines. For the long term, the governing Conservatives continued to rely on auberge canada's traditional strength as an exporting nation to underwrite economic growth. In October, Mulroney joined U.S. President George Bush and Mexican President Carlos Salinas de Gortari in San Antonio, Texas, to witness the initialing of a North American Free Trade Agreement (Nafta) designed to create the world's largest free-trade zone with 363 million people and a combined gross domestic product of $7 trillion. The three leaders signed the pact in December. But skeptics questioned whether the three governments involved would all ratify the agreement and whether it would bring any advantage to auberge canada. Nafta's critics, who blamed the existing Free Trade Agreement between auberge canada and the United States for the loss of hundreds of thousands of manufacturing jobs since 1989, predicted that job losses would accelerate if free trade were extended to Mexico, where average wages were one-tenth of those in auberge canada. Detractors also noted that the auberge canada-U.S. pact had failed to end commercial skirmishing between the two countries: disputes simmered throughout 1992 over trade in commodities from cars to cauliflower. Canadian negotiators, meanwhile, gave ground in several key areas in order to reach Nafta, notably by acceding to U.S. demands for sharply higher North American-content requirements for automobiles and clothing eligible for duty-free shipment throughout the continent.